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Professor Ilan Pappé
This article assesses the Israeli settlement policy in the West Bank as the outcome of a strategyformed immediately after the 1967 war and one which did not change until today. Understanding the settlement policy as the outcome of the 1967 decisions challenges the common perspective of the settlements as either a policy developing contrary to the wishes of the Israeli governments or as reaction to the lack of progress in the peace process and retaliation to Palestinian resistance. The historical assessment of the 1967 period is based on new declassified Israeli archival material and the rest of the period is viewed in relationship to that formative time. The main conclusion is that the strategy towards the occupied territories, and the settlement policy, were the continuation of the Israeli 1948 policy of taking much of Palestine as possible and having in it as few Palestinians as possible.
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Professor Gabriel Piterberg
The article’s aim is twofold: to explain why the Zionist colonization of Palestine and the state of Israel should be understood within the context of comparative settler colonialism; and to show the formative impact upon early Zionist settlement-experts of the colonization project attempted by the German Reich in the Ostmark at the end of the nineteenth century. The author first presents the burgeoning field of comparative settler colonialism and places the Zionist colonization of Palestine in that context. He then turns to a specific case, namely, the settler-colonial approach of possibly the most important settlement-expert in pre-statehood Zionism, Arthur Ruppin.
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Dr. Adham Saouli
Like previous political upheavals in the history of the Middle East, the Arab uprisings are reconstituting the domestic politics of several Arab countries and reconfiguring regional alignments. The overthrowing of authoritarian and pro-Western regimes in Tunisia and – especially – Egypt promised a favourable regional order for the two non-state actors of Hizbullah and Hamas. Both movements celebrated the change as a triumph for the ‘Axis of Resistance’, which unites them with Syria and Iran. But when the protests diffused to Syria, and threatened the Asad regime, the two movements faced a strategic dilemma. Whilst Hizbullah decided to back the Asad regime, Hamas supported the uprising – in effect creating a rupture in the alliance. The aim of this study is to examine the factors that have motivated the divergent strategies of the two movements. The article argues that there are three interrelated variables that explain this divergence: (1) the ideological parameters of the two movements; (2) their geopolitical location; and (3) their perceptions of opportunities and threats arising from the Arab uprisings. The first two factors are constant, and have historically conditioned the movements’ political visions and developments. In the wake of the Syrian uprising these constant factors have informed the perception of opportunities (Hamas) and threats (Hizbullah).
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Professor Gerald M. Steinberg
Benjamin Netanyahu’s foreign policy is characterized by intense Hobbesian realism and risk-aversion, in response to the combination of the perceived threats to Israel’s survival, the Jewish historical experience and the centrality of self-determination. This has led to periodic conflicts with the United States, and ongoing friction with Europe, particularly over strategies to halt Iran's nuclear ambitions, Palestinian issues, and soft-power political warfare directed at Israel's legitimacy.
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Alexander Rüsche
Two decades after the onset of the Oslo Accords prospects for a just and lasting two-statesolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict on the basis of the internationally recognized borders of 1967 are worse than ever. Israeli settlement construction in the occupied Palestinian territories is proceeding at a steady pace leaving behind nothing but fragmented enclaves of Palestinian presence in the West Bank. Lacking international backing in the peaceful confrontation with its much more powerful occupier, the Palestinian leadership finds itself trapped in a political dead-end. The deteriorating situation on the ground and loss of hope for independence bear an enormous potential for violent escalation. If peace is to prevail, the international community will have to move swift and resolute to revive the perspective of a two-state-solution. Words will not be enough to bring about change; concrete action is needed to pressure the Israeli government dominated by right wing forces to comply with Palestinian rights and interests. This is not meant to harm Israel; rather a two-state-solution is the only scenario to save Israel from eventually losing its democratic character which would lead to increasing international isolation.
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Dr. Yair Wallach
Two decades after the onset of the Oslo Accords prospects for a just and lasting two-statesolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict on the basis of the internationally recognized borders of 1967 are worse than ever. Israeli settlement construction in the occupied Palestinian territories is proceeding at a steady pace leaving behind nothing but fragmented enclaves of Palestinian presence in the West Bank. Lacking international backing in the peaceful confrontation with its much more powerful occupier, the Palestinian leadership finds itself trapped in a political dead-end. The deteriorating situation on the ground and loss of hope for independence bear an enormous potential for violent escalation. If peace is to prevail, the international community will have to move swift and resolute to revive the perspective of a two-state-solution. Words will not be enough to bring about change; concrete action is needed to pressure the Israeli government dominated by right wing forces to comply with Palestinian rights and interests. This is not meant to harm Israel; rather a two-state-solution is the only scenario to save Israel from eventually losing its democratic character which would lead to increasing international isolation.
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